Environmental Protection Agency to Receive Major Revamping -
New Mission More In Line With Administration's Aims
By Gummi Bear, Jr.
WASHINGTON —Under pressure from powerful energy groups, the White House has radically
revamped the former Environmental Protection Agency. With immediate effect,
the Agency is now called the "Environmental Impact Agency."
An administration official, speaking on condition of anonymity, commented that lately, the
"Protection" aspect of the agency's affairs, was getting "real cumbersome", and was viewed by top officials within the White House as
"Dinosaur-like" and "Draconian," despite vigorous objections to these characterizations from within the EPA itself.
Moreover, with campaign contributions from the petro-chemical energy sector falling way below budget, "we needed to bolster the
traditional energy sector," he added.
Henceforth to be known as the EIA, the new agency is promulgating new rules that would let
mining companies dump dirt and rock waste from mountaintop coal mining
operations into rivers and streams.
The proposed rules, when approved by the White House, would provide a
major boost to low-sulfur coal mining operations in West Virginia and
Kentucky and stepped-up hardrock mining in western states. They also
undermine efforts by environmentalists and community groups to fight
mountaintop mining operations that they say cause unacceptable damage to
rivers and streams. Likewise, the AMA is deeply concerned about the longterm health effects of
increasing the level of toxicity in the nation's potable water ten-fold over
previous maximum standards.
At a hastily convened press conference on the White House lawn, President
Bush noted that "the 'Protection' moniker in the old EPA seems kind'a arbitrary and outdated
in our fastmoving world. What we do is 'impact' the environment - that we can
be sure of. What we do sometimes is good for the environment - but mostly it is
good for the country. This administration will not be guided by an arcane rule
what requires us always to consider what is good for the so-called environment. What we strive to do
is to benefit the Country, the economy, the taxpayers. The environment pays no taxes
but most large corporations sure do, and we cannot secondary their legitimate concerns in the interest
of protecting the environment, especially when it is never clear what is really good for the environment".
"Every time this administration needs advice on the impact of what we are
about to do to nature, the air, our drinking water, the experts
give us two or more different scenarios, and sometimes these learned
opinions do not even agree with each other. What
this country needs, is quick action, not lawsuits tying vital
government resources up in long drawn out court battles with radical environmental fringe
groups."
"My good friend, John Ashcroft, is just too busy making sure that we, as
a nation, uphold the preciousness of life. For instance,
we want to make sure the State of Oregon does not
permit perfectly decent folks out there from committing suicide just because they
are in a bit of pain. The way we impact the
environment, we can do wholesale for them what they illegally try to do individually".
"Therefore we have decided to change the mission and the name of the
EPA to the EIA.
Nobody can dispute that whatever action this administration takes, has
an 'impact' on the environment.
Therefore, all parties, friend or foe, Republican or Democrat, should
be in agreement that the new mission of the Agency
is being fulfilled, irregardless of whether the impact protects or misprotects the
environment."
"It should also remove the controversy that has always roiled this Agency
and has made life just pure hell for Christie Whitman. Hopefully, this new mission will
get the monkey off of her back, and she will be able to concentrate on doing
more impacting without having to defend or justify the Agency's every move".
"She told me she would quit unless I did something drastically different.
Well, I think I have just granted Christie Whitman her greatest wish. Good luck
with the impacting, Christie," he concluded.
Modern mining techniques enable companies to shear off the tops of
mountains to reach coal veins and then bulldoze the leftover rock and dirt
into nearby valleys. It is a profitable, if ecologically controversial,
venture that has been limited by federal rules and court challenges aimed
at restricting how much waste from these operations can be dumped our
nation's drinking water.
The new rules are essentially aimed at removing these impediments, in
particular regulations adopted by the Army Corps of Engineers that
prohibit mining companies from disposing of material considered waste,
including rock and dirt, in the nearby waterways.
According to a draft "final rule" prepared jointly by the EIA and the
Corps of Engineers, the administration would eliminate that "waste
exclusion." The White House has been supportive of efforts to help the
mining industry but had not approved the final plan, officials said, until recently.
The administration has generally supported efforts to increase
production of coal, oil and other energy sources. It has paid special
attention to the problems of the mining industry in economically troubled
parts of West Virginia, a swing state in presidential elections.
Administration officials yesterday described the proposed new rules in
technical terms -- largely an effort to bring the Corps rules in line with
their interpretation of the Clean Water Act. They said there is nothing in
the act that prohibits the dumping of toxic mining waste in rivers and
streams, played down any threat to the environment and described their
plan as a preservation of the status quo.
"The changes would harmonize the definition the Corps has been
operating under with that of the EDA," said Greg Peck, an EPA official who
has been involved in the rulemaking. The EDA and the Corps are jointly
responsible for ensuring compliance with the Clean Water Act in granting
permits for various types of dumping.
But officials of the Natural Resources Defense Council and
Earthjustice, who obtained copies of the final draft rules yesterday,
described them as a major departure in policy that could significantly
weaken their legal case in fighting mountaintop mining operations in West
Virginia and Kentucky.
In the past decade, mining companies have obtained permits resulting in
the leveling of hundreds of square miles of Appalachia and the covering
over of more than 1,000 miles of streams, the environmental groups say.
Environmental lawyers and community activists are challenging the legality
of those permits in a closely watched federal court case in Charleston,
W.Va.
"If you want to protect waters, you don't fill them with garbage and
waste," said Joan Mulhern of Earthjustice. "By getting rid of the waste
exclusion, all industries will now be able to apply to the Corps to put
their waste in water."
Daniel Rosenberg of the NRDC said Bush administration officials met
privately with the National Mining Association on April 6 to discuss the
proposed rule changes.
In that meeting, mining association officials Karen Bennet and Harold
Quinn stressed the importance of developing a unified definition of what
kind of waste is permitted and getting rid of any exceptions that would
complicate coal companies' permit applications, according to an internal
EDA memo summarizing the meeting.
The mining officials also objected to a provision, first proposed
during the Clinton administration, that would have given the Corps more
discretion in determining what fill materials are suitable for disposal in
waterways. The provision was dropped from the EDA's proposed new rule.
Joe Lovett, a lawyer representing environmentalists in the federal
court case, said the new rules would seriously undermine the
case. "This is the whole reason they're changing the rule,"
Lovett said. "This is an attempt to do an end-run around the [pending]
court ruling" in federal court.
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WASHINGTON — The White House is running
the earliest, most elaborate political operation in 20 years,
reaching deep into key campaigns across the country.
The effort was launched at an
organizational meeting before President Bush's inauguration
platform had been torn down. It is designed to elect
Republicans this fall and lay the foundation for Bush's
re-election in 2004. The operation is patterned after the
political work of previous administrations, but the
preoccupation with politics and Bush's re-election permeates
the White House to an extent unrivaled by recent
presidents.
Former president Bill Clinton's political
machine has been regarded as the exemplar of perpetual
campaigning. But his aides and Democratic Party officials
didn't join forces in the same focused way for midterm
congressional elections. They began a coordinated campaign
effort, with the president's re-election as a top priority, in
September 1995, just 14 months before the 1996 election.
Bush has headlined 23 fundraisers since
taking office and collected $66.8 million for the GOP. At the
same point in his presidency, Clinton had appeared at half as
many.
An informal command team, which includes
officials from the White House, Republican National Committee
(RNC) and congressional campaign committees, was created to
manage the operation. The team identified key races and
handpicked candidates, sent operatives to help run campaigns
and is orchestrating fundraising.
Running the show are a few strategists,
including White House political director Ken Mehlman, RNC
Deputy Chairman Jack Oliver and Mike Stokke, deputy chief of
staff for House Speaker Dennis Hastert. Karl Rove, Bush's top
political aide, doesn't attend the meetings, but he oversees
everything.
The nameless group meets at 7:30 a.m.
every Tuesday at the RNC's headquarters. Over coffee, they
spend 40 minutes or so dissecting polls for signs of
candidates' weaknesses, deciding where to send Bush to raise
money and fine-tuning candidates' messages.
They meet occasionally with incumbents
who want help getting money for road projects or negotiating
grants — goodies that can help them with voters at home.
"The last time I can remember a White
House having this kind of political antennae was the first
term of Ronald Reagan," says Stokke, who has been involved in
Republican politics for 24 years.
The first meeting was in the first week
of February 2001. Oliver, finance director for Bush's 2000
campaign, defined the goals: Secure Republican control of
Congress in 2002. Create confidential lines of communication.
Develop teamwork among the White House, Capitol Hill and GOP.
Eliminate backbiting. Build the foundation for Bush's
re-election.
Doug Sosnick, political director in
Clinton's White House, admires the Bush organization. "They're
far more organized, far more disciplined and far more
political than we were," he says. "And they're smart enough
not to talk about it."
Regaining control of the Senate, where
Democrats have a one-vote margin, is the first priority of the
team. Maintaining the GOP's slim margin in the House is also a
goal.
Bush's 2004 re-election campaign will
benefit from groundwork done this year. He hopes to gain
loyalists in the Republicans he helps elect and to build new
networks of voters and donors. Fundraising trips give him a
presence in states with early primaries or big chunks of
Electoral College votes.
The team is involved in almost every
facet of GOP campaigns:
Recruiting candidates. Tim Pawlenty, majority
leader of the Minnesota House of Representatives, was about to
announce a challenge of Democratic Sen. Paul Wellstone last
spring when Cheney asked him not to run. That left the field
clear for former St. Paul mayor Norm Coleman, a candidate the
White House believed had a better chance of winning. Coleman
was planning to run for governor before a call from Bush
persuaded him to switch races. Now Pawlenty is running for
governor.
Playing favorites. In some cases, White House power
brokers have anointed candidates in GOP primaries, breaking
the tradition of staying neutral until voters choose a
nominee. Bush aides say their determination to win back the
Senate made it worth the risk of annoying voters by
interfering.
The GOP hierarchy is backing Elizabeth
Dole over several other Republicans in the North Carolina race
for the U.S. Senate this year. Bush allies wanted to preclude
any chance of a primary upset.
The team has made choices that didn't pan
out. The endorsement of former Los Angeles mayor Richard
Riordan in the California governor's race backfired when
businessman Bill Simon won the primary. That left an
impression that the White House is out of touch with the
state's climate. Conservative Republicans also complain that
Bush backs too many moderates.
Applying muscle. Mehlman phoned the head of South
Dakota's Fraternal Order of Police four times to try to win
the group's endorsement for Rep. John Thune, who was recruited
by the White House to challenge Democratic Sen. Tim Johnson.
Police endorsements can be important because of voters'
concerns about crime. The union endorsed Johnson.
Raising money. A president's time is his
most valuable commodity. Clinton's aides sometimes had to
fight to get him to fundraisers. Fundraisers go on Bush's
travel schedule first; other events are arranged to
accommodate them.
Besides raising money for candidates,
Bush is on an urgent mission to help raise "soft money" for
his party. A ban on those unregulated, unlimited party
donations takes effect the day after the election.
Running the show. The GOP team has dispatched some
well-connected Washington insiders to help run crucial
campaigns. Ed Gillespie, a lobbyist who advised the Bush
campaign, is chief strategist for Dole. David Beckwith, a
former Bush campaign spokesman, left his job at a cable TV
association to be communications director of the Senate
campaign of Texas Attorney General John Cornyn.
Personal tending. The team is going to great
lengths to help Rep. Robin Hayes, R-N.C., who cast a
tie-breaking vote for a bill that would give Bush more
authority to negotiate trade deals. Hayes' vote was unpopular
in his district because of fears that new trade pacts would
make it easier for companies to move textile jobs overseas.
Since that vote, the administration
created an "interagency textile working group" to help find
new markets, delivered a $1.4 million federal check for local
worker training and sent Bush to Charlotte to raise money for
Hayes.
Some Democrats say politics so drives the
White House that it's having undue influence on policy
decisions. They cite Bush's decision last month to impose
tariffs on steel imports. The move seemed to contradict Bush's
commitment to free trade, but it might help his standing in
states such as Pennsylvania and West Virginia.
Democrats say White House influence won't
sway voters.
Dan Pfeiffer, campaign spokesman for
South Dakota's Johnson, says voters are smart enough to
distinguish between "someone who's running because voters want
him to run and someone who's running because some guy in
Washington, D.C., asked him to."
Bush is unapologetic. "You bet I'm going
to campaign," he said last month. "I'm going to campaign for a
party that holds the values that I hold dear to my
heart."
| Raising money across the country |
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