PROTOCOL 20
FINANCIAL PROGRAMME. Progressive tax. Stamp
progressive taxation. Exchequer, interest-bearing papers and stagnation of
currency. Method of accounting. Abolition of ceremonial displays. Stagnation
of capital. Currency issue. Gold standard. Standard of cost of working man
power. Budget. State loans. One per cent interest series. Industrial shares.
Rulers of the goyim: courtiers and favouritism, masonic agents.
To-day we shall touch upon the financial programme, which I put
off to the end of my report as being the most difficult, the crowning and the
decisive point of our plans. Before entering upon it I will remind you that I
have already spoken before by way of a hint when I said that the sum total of
our actions is settled by the question of figures.
When we come into our kingdom our autocratic government will
avoid, from a principle of self-preservation, sensibly burdening the masses of
the people with taxes, remembering that it plays the part of father and
protector. But as State organization costs dear it is necessary nevertheless to
obtain the funds required for it. It will, therefore, elaborate with particular
precaution the question of equilibrium in this matter.
Our rule, in which the king will enjoy the legal fiction that
everything in his State belongs to him (which may easily be translated into
fact), will be enabled to resort to the lawful confiscation of all sums of every
kind for the regulation of their circulation in the State. From this follows
that taxation will best be covered by a progressive tax on property. In this
manner the dues will be paid without straitening or ruining anybody in the form
of a percentage of the amount of property. The rich must be aware that it is
their duty to place a part of their superfluities at the disposal of the State
since the State guarantees them security of possession of the rest of their
property and the right of honest gains, I say honest, for the control over
property will do away with robbery on a legal basis.
This social reform must come from above, for the time is ripe
for it -it is indispensable as a pledge of peace.
The tax upon the poor man is a seed of revolution and works to
the detriment of the state which in hunting after the trifling is missing the
big. Quite apart from this, a tax on capitalists diminishes the growth of wealth
in private hands in which we have in these days concentrated it as a
counterpoise to the government strength of the goyim -their State finances.
A tax increasing in a percentage ratio to capital will give a
much larger venue than the present individual or property tax, which is useful
to us now for the sole reason that it excites trouble and discontent among the
goyim.
The force upon which our king will rest consist in the
equilibrium and the guarantee of peace, for the sake of which things it is
indispensable that the capitalists should yield up a portion of their incomes
for the sake of the secure working of the machinery of the State. State needs
must be paid by those who will not feel the burden and have enough to take from.
Such a measure will destroy the hatred of the poor man for the
rich, in whom he will see a necessary financial support for the State, will see
in him the organizer of peace and well-being since he will see that it is the
rich man who is paying the necessary means to attain these things.
In order that payers of the educated classes should not too
much distress themselves over the new payments they will have full accounts
given them of the destination of those payments, with the exception of such sums
as well be appropriated for the needs of the throne and the administrative
institutions.
He who reigns will not have any properties of his own once all
in the State represents his patrimony, or else the one would be in contradiction
to the other; the fact of holding private means would destroy the right of
property in the common possessions of all.
Relatives of him who reigns, his heirs excepted, who will be
maintained by the resources of the State, must enter the ranks of servants of
the State or must work to obtain the right to property; the privilege of royal
blood must not serve for the spoiling of the treasury.
Purchase, receipt of money or inheritance will be subject to
the payment of a stamp progressive tax. Any transfer of property, whether money
or other, without evidence of payment of this tax which will be strictly
registered by names, will render the former holder liable to pay interest on the
tax from the moment of transfer of these sums up to the discovery of his evasion
of declaration of the transfer. Transfer documents must be presented weekly at
the local treasury office with notifications of the name, surname and permanent
place of residence of the former and the new holder of the property. This
transfer with register of names must begin from a definite sum which exceeds the
ordinary expenses of buying and selling of necessaries, and these will be
subject to payment only by a stamp impost of a definite percentage of the unit.
Just strike an estimate of how many times such taxes as these
will cover the revenue of the goyim States.
The State exchequer will have to maintain a definite complement
of reserve sums, and all that is collected above that complement must be
returned into circulation. On these sums will be organized public works. The
initiative in works of this kind, proceeding from State sources, will bind the
working class firmly to the interests of the State and to those who reign. From
these same sums also a part will be set aside as rewards of inventiveness and
productiveness.
On no account should so much as a single unit above the
definite and freely estimated sums be retained in the State treasuries, for
money exists to be circulated and any kind of stagnation of money acts ruinously
on the running of the State machinery, for which it is the lubricant; a
stagnation of the lubricant may stop the regular working of the mechanism.
The substitution of interest-bearing paper for a part of the
token of exchange has produced exactly this stagnation. The consequences of this
circumstance are already sufficiently noticeable.
A court of account will also be instituted by us and in it the
ruler will find at any moment a full accounting for State income and
expenditure, with the exception of the current monthly account, not yet made up,
and that of the preceding month, which will not yet have been delivered.
The one and only person who will have no interest in robbing the State is its
owner, the ruler. This is why his personal control will remove the possibility
of leakages of extravagances.
The representative function of the ruler at receptions for the
sake of etiquette, which absorbs so much invaluable time, will be abolished in
order that the ruler may have time for control and consideration. His power will
not then be split up into fractional parts among time-serving favourites who
surround the throne for its pomp and splendour, and are interested only in their
own and not in the common interests of the State.
Economic crises have been produced by us from the goyim by no
other means than the withdrawal of money from circulation. Huge capitals have
stagnated, withdrawing money from States, which were constantly obliged to apply
to those same stagnant capitals for loans. These loans burdened the finances of
the State with the payment of interest and made them the bond slaves of these
capitals. . . The concentration of industry in the hands of capitalists out of
the hands of small masters has drained away all the juices of the peoples and
with them also of the States.
The present issue of money in general does not correspond with
the requirements per head, and cannot therefore satisfy all the needs of the
workers. The issue of money ought to correspond with the growth of population
and thereby children also must absolutely be reckoned as consumers of currency
from the day of their birth. The revision of issue is a material question for
the whole world.
You are aware that the gold standard has been the ruin of the
States which adopted it, for it has not been able to satisfy the demands for
money, the more so that we have removed gold from circulation as far as
possible.
With us the standard that must be introduced is the cost of
working-man power, whether it be reckoned in paper or in wood. We shall make the
issue of money in accordance with the normal requirements of each subject,
adding to the quantity with every birth and subtracting with every death.
The accounts will be managed by each department (the French
administrative division), each circle.
In order that there may be no delays in paying out of money for
State needs the sums and terms of such payments will be fixed by decree of the
ruler; this will do away with the protection by a ministry of one institution to
the detriment of others.
The budgets of income and expenditure will be carried out side
by side that they may not be obscured by distance one to another.
The reforms projected by us in the financial institutions and
principles of the goyim will be clothed by us in such forms as will alarm
nobody. We shall point out the necessity of reforms in consequence of the
disorderly darkness into which the goyim by their irregularities have plunged
the finances. The first irregularity, as we shall point out, consists in their
beginning with drawing up a single budget which year after year grows owing to
the following cause: this budget is dragged out to half the year, then they
demand a budget to put things right, and this they expend in three months, after
which they ask for a supplementary budget, and all this ends with a liquidation
budget. But, as the budget of the following year is drawn up in accordance with
the sum of the total addition, the annual departure from the normal reaches as
much as 50 percent in a year, and so the annual budget is trebled in ten years.
Thanks to such methods, allowed by the carelessness of the goy States, their
treasuries are empty. The period of loans supervenes, and that has swallowed up
remainders and brought all the goy States to bankruptcy.
You understand perfectly that economic arrangements of this
kind, which have been suggested to the goyim by us, cannot be carried on by us.
Every kind of loan proves infirmity in the State and a want of
understanding of the rights of the State. Loans hang like a sword of Damocles
over the heads of rulers, who, instead of taking from their subjects by a
temporary tax, come begging with oustretched palm of our bankers. Foreign loans
are leeches which there is no possibility of removing from the body of the State
until they fall off of themselves or the State flings them off. But the goy
States do not tear them off; they go on in persisting in putting more on to
themselves so that they must inevitably perish, drained by voluntary
blood-letting.
What also indeed is, in substance, a loan, especially a foreign
loan? A loan is -an issue of government bills of exchange containing a
percentage obligation commensurate to the sum of the loan capital. If the loan
bears a charge of 5 per cent, then in twenty years the State vainly pays away in
interest a sum equal to the loan borrowed, in forty years it is paying a double
sum, in sixty -treble, and all the while the debt remains an unpaid debt.
From this calculation it is obvious that with any form of
taxation per head the State is baling out the last coppers of the poor taxpayers
in order to settle accounts with wealthy foreigners, from whom it has borrowed
money instead of collecting these coppers for its own needs without the
additional interest.
So long as loans were internal the goyim only shuffled money
from the pockets of the poor to those of the rich, but when we bought up the
necessary person in order to transfer loans into the external sphere all the
wealth of States flowed into our cash-boxes and all the goyim began to pay us
the tribute of subjects.
If the superficiality of goy kings on their thrones in regard
to State affairs and the venality of ministers or the want of understanding of
financial matters on the part of other ruling persons have made their countries
debtors to our treasuries to amounts quite impossible to pay it has not been
accomplished without on our part heavy expenditure of trouble and money.
Stagnation of money will not be allowed by us and therefore
there will be no State-interest bearing paper, except a one-percent series, so
that there will be no payment of interest to leeches that suck all the strength
out of the State. The right to issue interest-bearing paper will be given
exclusively to industrial companies who will find no difficulty in paying
interest out of profits, whereas the State does not make interest on borrowed
money like these companies, for the State borrows to spend and not to use in
operations.
Industrial papers will be bought also by the government which
from being as now a payer of tribute by loan operations will be transformed into
a lender of money at a profit. This measure will stop the stagnation of money,
parasitic profits and idleness, all of which were useful for us among the goyim
so long as they were independent but are not desirable under our rule.
How clear is the undeveloped power of thought of the purely
brute brains of the goyim, as expressed in the fact that they have been
borrowing from us with payment of interest without ever thinking that all the
same these very moneys plus an addition for payment of interest must be got by
them from their own State pockets in order to settle up with us. What could have
been simpler than to take the money they wanted from their own people?
But it is a proof of the genius of our chosen mind that we have
contrived to present the matter of loans to them in such a light that they have
even seen in them an advantage for themselves.
Our accounts, which we shall present when the time comes, in
the light of centuries of experience gained by experiments made by us on the goy
States, will be distinguished by clearness and definiteness and will show at a
glance to all men the advantage of our innovations. They will put an end to
those abuses to which we owe our mastery over the goyim, but which cannot be
allowed in our kingdom.
We shall so hedge about our system of accounting that neither
the ruler nor the most insignificant public servant will be in a position to
divert even the smallest sum from its destination without detection or to direct
it in another direction except that which will be once fixed in a definite plan
of action.
And without a definite plan it is impossible to rule. Marching
along an undetermined road and with undetermined resources brings to ruin by the
way heroes and demi-gods.
The goy rulers, whom we once upon a time advised should be
distracted from State occupations by representatives receptions, observances of
etiquette, entertainments, were only screens for our rule. The accounts of
favourite courtiers who replaced them in the sphere of affairs were drawn up for
them by our agents, and every time gave satisfaction to short-sighted minds by
promises that in the future economies and improvements were foreseen. . .
Economies from what? From new taxes? -were questions that might have been but
were not asked by those who read our accounts and projects. . .
You know to what they have been brought by this carelessness,
to what a pitch of financial disorder they have arrived, notwithstanding the
astonishing industry of their peoples. . .
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