PROTOCOL 15
One-day coup d'etat (revolution) over all the
world. Executions. Future lot of goyim-masons. Mysticism of authority.
Multiplication of masonic lodges. Central governing board of masonic elders.
The "Azev-tactics." Masonry as leader and guide of all secret societies.
Significance of public applause. Collectivism. Victims. Executions of masons.
Fall of the prestige of laws and authority. Our position as the Chosen people.
Brevity and clarity of the laws of the kingdom of the future. Obedience to
orders. Measures against abuse of authority. Severity of penalties. Age-limit
for judges. Liberalism of judges and authorities. The money of all the world.
Absolutism of masonry. Right of appeal. Patriarchal "outside appearance" of
the power of the future "ruler." Apotheosis of the ruler. The right of the
strong as the one and only right. The King of Israel. Patriarch of all the
world.
When we at last definitely come into our kingdom by the aid of
coups d'etat prepared everywhere for one and the same day, after the
worthlessness of all existing forms of government has been definitely
acknowledged (and not a little time will pass before that comes about, perhaps
even a whole century) we shall make it our task to see that against us such
things as plots shall no longer exist. With this purpose we shall slay without
mercy all who take arms (in hand) to oppose our coming into our kingdom. Every
kind of new institution of anything like a secret society will also be punished
with death; those of them which are now in existence, are known to us, serve us
and have served us, we shall disband and send into exile to continents far
removed from Europe. In this way we shall proceed with those GOY masons who know
too much; such of these as we may for some reason spare will be kept in constant
fear of exile. We shall promulgate a law making all former members of secret
societies liable to exile from Europe as the centre of our rule.
Resolutions of our government will be final, without appeal.
In the goy societies, in which we have planted and deeply
rooted discord and protestantism, the only possible way of restoring order is to
employ merciless measures that prove the direct force of authority: no regard
must be paid to the victims who fall, they suffer for the well being of the
future. The attainment of that well-being, even at the expense of sacrifices, is
the duty of any kind of government that acknowledges as justification for its
existence not only its privileges but its obligations. The principal guarantee
of stability of rule is to confirm the aureole of power, and this aureole is
attained only by such a majestic inflexibility of might as shall carry on its
face the emblems of inviolability from mystical causes -from the choice of God.
Such was, until recent times, the Russian autocracy, the one and only serious
foe we had in the world, without counting the Papacy. Bear in mind the example
when Italy, drenched with blood, never touched a hair of the head of Sulla who
had poured forth that blood: Sulla enjoyed an apotheosis for his might in the
eyes of the people, though they had been torn in pieces by him, but his intrepid
return to Italy ringed him round with inviolability. The people do not lay a
finger on him who hypnotizes them by his daring and strength of mind.
Meantime, however, until we come into our kingdom, we shall act
in the contrary way: we shall create and multiply free masonic lodges in all the
countries of the world, absorb into them all who may become or who are prominent
in public activity, for in these lodges we shall find our principal intelligence
office and means of influence. All these lodges we shall bring under one central
administration, known to us alone and to all others absolutely unknown, which
will be composed of our learned elders. The lodges will have their
representatives who will serve to screen the above-mentioned administration of
masonry and from whom will issue the watchword and programme. In these lodges we
shall tie together the knot which binds together all revolutionary and liberal
elements. Their composition will be made up of all strata of society. The most
secret political plots will be known to us and will fall under our guiding hands
on the very day of their conception. Among the members of these lodges will be
almost all the agents of international and national police since their service
is for us irreplaceable in the respect that the police is in a position not only
to use its own particular measures with the insubordinate, but also to screen
our activities and provide pretexts for discontents, et cetera.
The class of people who most willingly enter into secret
societies are those who live by their wits, careerists, and in general people,
mostly light-minded, with whom we shall have no difficulty in dealing and in
using to wind up the mechanism of the machine devised by us. If this world grows
agitated the meaning of that will be that we have had to stir it up in order to
break up its too great solidarity. But if there should arise in its midst a
plot, then at the head of that plot will be no other than one of our most
trusted servants. It is natural that we and no other should lead masonic
activities, for we know whither we are leading, we know the final goal of every
form of activity whereas the goyim have knowledge of nothing, not even of the
immediate effect of action; they put before themselves, usually, the momentary
reckoning of the satisfaction of their self-opinion in the accomplishment of
their thought without even remarking that the very conception never belonged to
their initiative but to our instigation of their thought. . .
The goyim enter the lodges out of curiosity or in the hope by
their means to get a nibble at the public pie, and some of them in order to
obtain a hearing before the public for their impracticable and groundless
fantasies: they thirst for the emotion of success and applause, of which we are
remarkably generous. And the reason why we give them this success is to make use
of the high conceit of themselves to which it gives birth, for that insensibly
disposes them to assimilate our suggestions without being on their guard against
them in the fullness of their confidence that it is their own infallibility
which is giving utterance to their own thoughts and that it is impossible for
them to borrow those of others. . . You cannot imagine to what extent the wisest
of the goyim can be brought to a state of unconscious naivete in the presence of
this condition of high conceit of themselves, and at the same time how easy it
is to take the heart out of them by the slightest ill-success, though it be
nothing more than the stoppage of the applause they had, and to reduce them to a
slavish submission for the sake of winning a renewal of success. . . By so much
as ours disregard success if only they can carry through their plans. By so much
the GOYIM are willing to sacrifice any plans only to have success. This
psychology of theirs materially facilitates for us the task of setting them in
the required direction. These tigers in appearance have the souls of sheep and
the wind blows freely through their heads. We have set them on the hobby-horse
of an idea about the absorption of individuality by the symbolic unit of
collectivism. They have never yet and they never will have the sense to reflect
that this hobby horse is a manifest violation of the most important law of
nature, which has established from the very creation of the world one unit
unlike another and precisely for the purpose of instituting individuality.
If we have been able to bring them to such a pitch of stupid
blindness is it not a proof, and an amazingly clear proof, of the degree to
which the mind of the goyim is undeveloped in comparison with our mind? This it
is, mainly, which guarantees our success.
And how far-seeing were our learned elders in ancient times
when they said that to attain a serious end it behooves not to stop at any means
or to count the victims sacrificed for the sake of that end. . . We have not
counted the victims of the seed of the goy cattle, though we have sacrificed
many of our own, but for that we have now already given them such a position on
the earth as they could not even have dreamed of. The comparatively small
numbers of the victims from the number of ours have preserved our nationality
from destruction. Death is the inevitable end for all. It is better to bring
that end nearer to those who hinder our affairs than to ourselves, to the
founders of this affair. We execute masons in such wise that none save the
brotherhood can ever have a suspicion of it, not even the victims themselves of
our death sentence, they all die when required as if from a normal kind of
illness. Knowing this, even the brotherhood in its turn dare not protest. By
such methods we have plucked out of the midst of masonry the very root of
protest against our disposition. While preaching liberalism to the goyim we at
the same time keep our own people and our agents in a state of unquestioning
submission.
Under our influence the execution of the laws of the goyim has
been reduced to a minimum. The prestige of the law has been exploded by the
liberal interpretations introduced into this sphere. In the most important and
fundamental affairs and questions judges decide as we dictate to them, see
matters in the light wherewith we enfold them for the administration of the
goyim, of course, through persons who are our tools though we do not appear to
have anything in common with them -by newspaper opinion or by other means. Even
senators and the higher administration accept our counsels. The purely brute
mind of the goyim is incapable of use for analysis and observation, and still
more for the foreseeing whither a certain manner of setting a question may tend.
In this difference in capacity for thought between the goyim
and ourselves may be clearly discerned the seal of our position on the Chosen
People and of our higher quality of humanness, in contra-distinction to the
brute mind of the goyim. Their eyes are open, but see nothing before them and do
not invent (unless, perhaps, material things). From this it is plain that nature
herself has destined us to guide and rule the world.
When comes the time of our overt rule, the time to manifest its
blessings, we shall remake all legislatures, all our laws will be brief, plain,
stable, without any kind of interpretations, so that anyone will be in a
position to know them perfectly. The main feature which will run right through
them is submission to orders, and this principle will be carried to a grandiose
height. Every abuse will then disappear in consequence of the responsibility of
all down to the lowest unit before the higher authority of the representative of
power. Abuses of power subordinate to this last instance will be so mercilessly
punished that none will be found anxious to try experiments with their own
powers. We shall follow up jealously every action of the administration on which
depends the smooth running of the machinery of the State, for slackness in this
produces slackness everywhere; not a single case of illegality or abuse of power
will be left without exemplary punishment.
Concealment of guilt, connivance between those in the service
of the administration -all this kind of evil will disappear after the very first
examples of severe punishment. The aureole of our power demands suitable, that
is, cruel, punishments for the slightest infringement, for the sake of gain, of
its supreme prestige. The sufferer, though his punishment may exceed his fault,
will count as a soldier falling on the administrative field of battle in the
interest of authority, principle and law, which do not permit that any of those
who hold the reins of the public coach should turn aside from the public highway
to their own private paths. For example: our judges will know that whenever they
feel disposed to plume themselves on foolish clemency they are violating the law
of justice which is instituted for the exemplary edification of men by penalties
for lapses and not for display of the spiritual qualities of the judge. . . Such
qualities it is proper to show in private life, but not in a public square which
is the educationary basis of human life.
Our legal staff will serve not beyond the age of 55, firstly
because old men more obstinately hold to prejudiced opinions, and are less
capable of submitting to new directions, and secondly because this will give us
the possibility by this measure of securing elasticity in the changing of staff,
which will thus the more easily bend under our pressure: he who wishes to keep
his place will have to give blind obedience to deserve it. In general, our
judges will be elected by us only from among those who thoroughly understand
that the part they have to play is to punish and apply laws and not to dream
about the manifestations of liberalism at the expense of the educationary scheme
of the State, as the goyim in these days imagine it to be. . . This method of
shuffling the staff will serve also to explode any collective solidarity of
those in the same service and will bind all to the interests of the government
upon which their fate will depend. The young generation of judges will be
trained in certain views regarding the inadmissibility of any abuses that might
disturb the established order of our subjects among themselves.
In these days the judges of the goyim create indulgences to
every kind of crimes, not having a just understanding of their office, because
the rulers of the present age in appointing judges to office take no care to
inculcate in them a sense of duty and consciousness of the matter which is
demanded of them. As a brute beast lets out its young in search of prey, so do
the goyim give their subjects places of profit without thinking to make clear to
them for what purpose such place was created. This is the reason why their
governments are being ruined by their own forces through the acts of their own
administration.
Let us borrow from the example of the results of these actions
yet another lesson for our government.
We shall root out liberalism from all the important strategic
posts of our government on which depends the training of subordinates for our
State structure. Such posts will fall exclusively to those who have been trained
by us for administrative rule. To the possible objection that the retirement of
old servants will cost the Treasury heavily, I reply, firstly, they will be
provided with some private service in place of what they lose, and, secondly, I
have to remark that all the money in the world will be concentrated in our
hands, consequently it is not our government that has to fear expense.
Our absolutism will in all things be logically consecutive and
therefore in each one of its decrees our supreme will will be respected and
unquestionably fulfilled: it will ignore all murmurs, all discontents of every
kind and will destroy to the root every kind of manifestation of them in act by
punishment of an exemplary character.
We shall abolish the right of cassation, which will be
transferred exclusively to our disposal -to the cognisanze of him who rules, for
we must not allow the conception among the people of a thought that there could
be such a thing as a decision that is not right of judges set up by us. If,
however, anything like this should occur, we shall ourselves cassate the
decision, but inflict therewith such exemplary punishment on the judge for lack
of understanding of his duty and the purpose of his appointment as will prevent
a repetition of such cases. I repeat that it must be borne in mind that we shall
know every step of our administration which only needs to be closely watched for
the people to be content with us, for it has the right to demand from a good
government a good official.
Our government will have the appearance of a patriarchal
paternal guardianship on the part of our ruler. Our own nation and our subjects
will discern in his person a father caring for their every need, their every
act, their every inter-relation as subjects one with another, as well as their
relations to the ruler. They will then be so thoroughly imbued with the thought
that it is impossible for them to dispense with this wardship and guidance, if
the wish to live in piece and quiet, that they will acknowledge the autocracy of
our ruler with a devotion bordering on APOTHEOSIS, especially when they are
convinced that those whom we set up do not put their own in place of his
authority, but only blindly execute his dictates. They will be rejoiced that we
have regulated everything in their lives as is done by wise parents who desire
to train their children in the cause of duty and submission, For the peoples of
the world in regard to the secrets of our polity are ever through the ages only
children under age, precisely as are also their governments.
As you see, I found our despotism on right and duty: the right
to compel the execution of duty is the direct obligation of a government which
is a father for its subjects. It has the right of the strong that it may use it
for the benefit of directing humanity towards that order which is defined by
nature, namely, submission. Everything in the world is in a state of submission,
if not to man, then to circumstances or its own inner character, in all cases,
to what is stronger. And so shall we be this something stronger for the sake of
good.
We are obliged without hesitation to sacrifice individuals, who
commit a breach of established order, for in the exemplary punishment of evil
lies a great educational problem.
When the King of Israel sets upon his sacred head the crown
offered him by Europe he will become patriarch of the world. The indispensable
victims offered by him in consequence of their suitability will never reach the
number of victims offered in the course of centuries by the mania of
magnificence, the emulation between the goy governments.
Our King will be in constant communion with the peoples, making
to them from the tribune speeches which fame will in that same hour distribute
over all the world.
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