PROTOCOL 10
The outside appearances in the political. The
"genius" of rascality. What is promised by a Masonic coup d'etat? Universal
suffrage. Self-importance. Leaders of Masonry. The genius who is guide of
Masonry. Institutions and their functions. The poison of liberalism.
Constitution a school of party discords. Era of republics. Presidents -the
puppets of Masonry. Responsibility of Presidents. "Panama" Part played by
chamber of deputies and president. Masonry --the legislative force. New
republican constitution. Transition to masonic "despotism." Moment for the
proclamation of "The Lord of all the World." Inoculation of diseases and other
wiles of Masonry.
Today I begin with a repetition of what I said before, and I
beg you to bear in mind that governments and peoples are content in the
political with outside appearances. And how, indeed, are the goyim to perceive
the underlying meaning of things when their representatives give the best of
their energies to enjoying themselves? For Our policy it is of the greatest
importance to take cognisance of this detail; it will be of assistance to us
when we come to consider the division of authority, freedom of speech, of the
press, of religion (faith), of the law of association, of equality before the
law, of the inviolability of property, of the dwelling, of taxation (the idea of
concealed taxes), of the reflex force of the laws. All these questions are such
as ought not to be touched upon directly and openly before the people. In cases
where it is indispensable to touch upon them they must not be categorically
named, it must merely be declared without detailed exposition that the
principles of contemporary law are acknowledged by us. The reason of keeping
silence in this respect is that by not naming a principle we leave ourselves
freedom of action, to drop this or that out of it without attracting notice; if
they were all categorically named they would all appear to have been already
given.
The mob cherishes a special affection and respect for the
geniuses of political power and accepts all their deeds of violence with the
admiring response: "rascally, well, yes, it is rascally, but it's clever! . . a
trick, if you like, but how craftily played, how magnificently done, what
impudent audacity!"
We count upon attracting all nations to the task of erecting
the new fundamental structure, the project for which has been drawn up by us.
This is why, before everything, it is indispensable for us to arm ourselves and
to store up in ourselves that absolutely reckless audacity and irresistible
might of the spirit which in the person of our active workers will break down
all hindrances on our way.
When we have accomplished our coup d'etat we shall say then to
the various peoples: "Everything has gone terribly badly, all have been worn out
with sufferings. We are destroying the causes of your torment -nationalities,
frontiers, differences of coinages. You are at liberty, of course, to pronounce
sentence upon us, but can it possibly be a just one if it is confirmed by you
before you make any trial of what we are offering you." . . . Then will the mob
exalt us and bear us up in their hands in a unanimous triumph of hopes and
expectations. Voting, which we have made the instrument will set us on the
throne of the world by teaching even the very smallest units of members of the
human race to vote by means of meetings and agreements by groups, will then have
served its purposes and will play its part then for the last time by a unanimity
of desire to make close acquaintance with us before condemning us.
To secure this we must have everybody vote without distinction
of classes and qualifications, in order to establish an absolute majority, which
cannot be got from the educated propertied classes. In this way, by inculcating
in all a sense of self-importance, we shall destroy among the goyim the
importance of the family and its educational value and remove the possibility of
individual minds splitting off, for the mob, handled by us, will not let them
come to the front nor even give them a hearing; it is accustomed to listen to us
only who pay it for obedience and attention, In this way we shall create a
blind, mighty force which will never be in a position to move in any' direction
without the guidance of our agents set at its head by us as leaders of the mob.
The people will submit to this regime because it will know that upon these
leaders will depend its earnings, gratifications and the receipt of all kinds of
benefits.
A scheme of government should come ready made from one brain,
because it will never be clinched firmly if it is allowed to be split into
fractional parts in the minds of many. It is allowable, therefore, for us to
have cognisance of the scheme of action but not to discuss it lest we disturb
its artfulness, the interdependence of its component parts, the practical force
of the secret meaning of each clause. To discuss and make alterations in a labor
of this kind by means of numerous votings is to impress upon it the stamp of all
ratiocinations and misunderstandings which have failed to penetrate the depth
and nexus of its plottings. We want our schemes to be forcible and suitably
concocted. Therefore WE OUGHT NOT TO FLING THE WORK OF GENIUS OF OUR GUIDE to
the fangs of the mob or even of a select company.
These schemes will not turn existing institutions upside down
just yet. They will only affect changes in their economy and consequently in the
whole combined movement of their progress, which will thus be directed along the
paths laid down in our schemes.
Under various names there exists in all countries approximately
one and the same thing. Representation, Ministry, Senate, State Council,
Legislative and Executive Corps. I need not explain to you the mechanism of the
relation of these institutions to one another, because you are aware of all
that; only take note of the fact that each of the above-named institutions
corresponds to some important function of the State, and I would beg you to
remark that the word "important'' I apply not to the institution but to the
function, consequently it is not the institutions which are important but their
functions. These institutions have divided up among themselves all the functions
of government -administrative, legislative, executive, wherefore they have come
to operate as do the organs in the human body. If we injure one part in the
machinery of State, the State falls sick, like a human body, and will die. When
we introduced into the State organism the poison of Liberalism its whole
political complexion underwent a change. States have been seized with a mortal
illness -blood-poisoning. All that remains is to await the end of their death
agony. Liberalism produced Constitutional States, which took the place of what
was the only safeguard of the goyim, namely, Despotism; and a constitution, as
you well know, is nothing else but a school of discords, misunderstandings,
quarrels, disagreements, fruitless party agitations, party whims --in a word, a
school of everything that serves to destroy the personality of State activity.
The tribune of the "talkeries" has, no less effectively than the Press,
condemned the rulers to inactivity and impotence, and thereby rendered them
useless and superfluous, for which reason indeed they have been in many
countries deposed. Then it was that the era of republics became possible of
realization; and then it was that we replaced the ruler by a caricature of a
government -by a president, taken from the mob, from the midst of our puppet
creatures, our slaves. This was the foundation of the mine which we have laid
under the goy people, I should rather say, under the goy peoples.
In the near future we shall establish the responsibility of
presidents.
By that time we shall be in a position to disregard forms in
carrying through matters for which our impersonal puppet will be responsible.
What do we care of the ranks of those striving for power should be thinned, if
there should arise a deadlock from the impossibility of finding presidents, a
deadlock which will finally disorganize the country? ....
In order that our scheme may produce this result we shall
arrange elections in favour of such presidents as have in their past some dark,
undiscovered stain, some "Panama" or other -then they will be trustworthy agents
for the accomplishment of our plans out of fear of revelations and from the
natural desire of everyone who has attained power, namely, the retention of the
privileges, advantages and honour connected with the office of president. The
chamber of deputies will provide cover for, will protect, will elect presidents,
but we shall take from it the right to propose new, or make changes in existing
laws, for this right will be given by us to the responsible president, a puppet
in our hands. Naturally, the authority of the president will then become a
target for every possible form of attack, but we shall provide him with a means
of self-defense in the right of an appeal to the people, for the decision of the
people over the heads of their representatives, that is to say, an appeal to
that same blind slave of ours -the majority of the mob. Independently of this we
shall invest the president with the right of declaring a state of war. We shall
justify this last right on the ground that the president as chief of the whole
army of the country must have it at his disposal, in case of need for the
defense of the new republican constitution, the right to defend which will
belong to him as the responsible representative of this constitution.
It is easy to understand that in these conditions the key of
the shrine will lie in our hands, and no one outside ourselves will any longer
direct the force of legislation.
Besides this we shall, with the introduction of the new
republican constitution, take from the Chamber the right of interpellation on
government measures, on the pretext of preserving political secrecy, and,
further, we shall by the new constitution reduce the number of representatives
to a minimum, thereby proportionately reducing political passions and the
passion for politics. If, however, they should, which is hardly to be expected,
burst into flame, even in this minimum, we shall nullify them by a stirring
appeal and a reference to the majority of the whole people. . . Upon the
president will depend the appointment of presidents and vice-presidents of the
Chamber and the Senate. Instead of constant sessions of Parliaments we shall
reduce their sittings to a few months. Moreover, the president, as chief of the
executive power, will have the right to summon and dissolve Parliament, and, in
the latter case, to prolong the time for the appointment of a new parliamentary
assembly. But in order that the consequences of all these acts which in
substance are illegal, should not, prematurely for our plans, fall upon the
responsibility established by us of the president, we shall instigate ministers
and other officials of the higher administration about the president to evade
his dispositions by taking measures of their own, for doing which they will be
made the scapegoats in his place. . . This part we especially recommend to be
given to be played by the Senate, the Council of State, or the Council of
Ministers, but not to an individual official.
The president will, at our discretion, interpret the sense of
such of the existing laws as admit of various interpretation; he will further
annul them when we indicate to him the necessity to do so, besides this, he will
have the right to propose temporary laws, and even new departures in the
government constitutional working, the pretext both for the one and the other
being the requirements for the supreme welfare of the State.
By such measures we shall obtain the power of destroying little
by little, step by step, all that at the outset when we enter on our rights, we
are compelled to introduce into the constitutions of States to prepare for the
transition to an imperceptible abolition of every kind of constitution, and then
the time is come to turn every form of government into our despotism.
The recognition of our despot may also come before the
destruction of the constitution; the moment for this recognition will come when
the peoples, utterly wearied by the irregularities and incompetence -a matter
which we shall arrange for -of their rulers, will clamour: "Away with them and
give us one king over all the earth who will unite us and annihilate the causes
of discords -frontiers, nationalities, religions, State debts -who will give us
peace and quiet, which we cannot find under our rulers and representatives."
But you yourselves perfectly well know that to produce the
possibility of the expression of such wishes by all the nations it is
indispensable to trouble in all countries the people's relations with their
governments so as to utterly exhaust humanity with dissension, hatred, struggle,
envy and even by the use of torture, by starvation, BY THE INOCULATION OF
DISEASES, by want, so that the GOYIM see no other issue than to take refuge in
our complete sovereignty in money and in all else.
But if we give the nations of the world a breathing space the
moment we long for is hardly likely ever to arrive.
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